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AN ASSESSMENT OF SELF DETERMINATION AS A STRATEGY FOR RESOLVING THE NATIONAL QUESTION SOUTH SUDAN
ABSTRACT
This research, “An Assessment of the Right to Self-Determination as a Strategy for Resolving the National Question in South Sudan” was undertaken with the view to finding why and how the people of Southern Sudan came to identify themselves as a nation, irrespective of their religious and ethnic differences. The study adopted a thematic approach to the study by basing the analysis on literary texts. The ideological theory of nationalism was adopted in order to provide a systematic explanation for nationalism in Africa. The theory argues that nationalism in Africa is an ideological construction of disgruntled elites who mobilize the masses to their cause. After winning the sympathy of the masses, the elites and intelligentsia will start by negotiating with the dominant political group. It was found that the right to self-determination provided the platform for the attainment of statehood by the South Sudan but has not provided a permanent solution to the crisis of nationhood in South Sudan. Therefore, it was recommended that African states and South Sudan in particular, should embrace democratic principles in governance. The states should incorporate all the various segments and strata of the populace into governance. The rule of law and justice should be made to be the guiding star of governance. Finally it was recommended that a level playing ground should be provided for all the people in various spheres of human endeavours.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
A multiplicity of armed non-state groups is heavily present in Africa. These armed non-state groups range from armed bands, vigilantes, cultists groups, private security outfits, criminal bonds, community, ethnic, religious or regional armies, to militias and rebel groups. These groups have played critical role in violent conflicts that severely undermined human security and the state capacity to guarantee it. The activities of these armed non-state groups have been felt in the Central African Republic, Chad, Egypt, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan among others. (Augustine and Wayfula, 2010).The activities of these groups have adversely affected stability development and security of Africa. Although these groups existed in Africa in the pre-colonial, colonial and the immediate period that followed independence, there has been a resurgence since the 1990s, with groups being formed for dissent, resistance, civil defence and struggle for self-determination, political reforms and resources control in Sudan, DRC and Somalia with implication for human insecurity, massive internal displacement, disruption of livelihoods, violations of human rights, heightened criminality, loss of lives and humanitarian crisis (Ibid, 2010).
The activities of such armed non-state groups in Sudan are so devastating that the UN described it as the worst humanitarian and human rights catastrophe in the world (Powell, 2005:31). The activities of these armed non-state groups have resulted in the death of about two million people (the Sunday Trust, January 30, 2011, p.18) and some two million people were displaces (Powell, 2005:13).
The conflict in the Sudan was driven and shaped by issues of national identity, ethnicity, language and religion, Sudan is diverse. The nationalist movements that take over power from colonial powers at independence formulated exclusive national policies based on race and religion. Ethnicity and economic marginalization were among the chief causes of rebellions against political regimes in Khartoum. In 1958, the government of General Ibrahim Abbound imposed policies of Arabisation and Islamization by repressive means such as forced Islamization of chiefs, changing weekends from Sunday to Friday and forcing parents to send children to Koranic schools in order to enforce cultural domination of Southern Sudan. Similar policies were pursued by successive governments after Abbounds regime was brought down through popular protest in 1964. (Jok, 2007:55-60). These policies were only terminated only after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2005.
Economic and social exclusion played a critical role in the conflict in Sudan. Colonial government did not undertake policies for balanced economic growth in Sudan. It undertook export-oriented development programmes such as the production of cotton and gum Arabic. Agricultural schemes and transport infrastructure were planned and developed according to British demand for these products. As a result, railway lines and agro-industry were developed in Central Sudan to the neglect of outlying regions of Southern and Western Sudan. Consequently, postcolonial administrations inherited gezira scheme and Sudan Railways in addition to a few light industries around Khartoum (Wassara, 2010:259).
Post independent governments in Sudan found it natural and normal to concentrate development programmes in Central Sudan. New dams were built at Rusaris and New Hanfa to boost irrigation projects in Khashmel Girba and Managil; Sugar Factories were constructed at Gunneid Hajr el Asalaya and Kenana; and Cement factories were constructed at Rabak and Arbara. These plans made for concentration of development activities in the centre of the country while Southern Sudan, the Nuba Mountains, Southern Blue Mile, Eastern Sudan and Darfur were excluded from economic development. This situation worsened feelings of marginalization (Wassara, 2010:260). These policies were only terminated after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
Nationhood is achieved through the processes of nation building. Through these processes, a sense of community is developed among the people within the jurisdiction of a political system and provides for sense of identification, a common object of their allegiance, an emotional bond and social solidarity that cut across religion, race, caste, language, region, culture or occupation. These processes integrate the diverse sectors and strata of the society and produce the consensus and cooperation that conduce to domestic peace and political effectiveness (Garba, 2003:495).
In the Sudan these projects of nation building and state building failed to the point that the Southern part seceded to form an independent state. This study is undertaken with the view to assessing whether the right to self-determination has been able to resolve the national question in the South Sudan.
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The research problem is examined with the following questions.
1) What was the character of the national question in Sudan before the expression of the right to self-determination by the South?
2) How did the issues surrounding the national question lead to the expression of the right to self-determination in Sudan?
3) How effective has the expression of the right to self-determination been in resolving the national question?
4) Is expression of the right to self-determination an appropriate or desirable instrument for resolving the national question or the crises of nationhood in Africa?
1.4 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of the study is to achieve the following:
i) To unravel the character of the national question in Sudan before the expression of the right to self-determination by the South.
ii) To examine how the issues surrounding the national question led to the expression of the right to self-determination by the South.
iii) To assess the efficiency of the right to self-determination in resolving the national question.
iv) To find out if the right to self-determination is an appropriate or desirable instrument for resolving the national question in Africa.
ABSTRACT
This research, “An Assessment of the Right to Self-Determination as a Strategy for Resolving the National Question in South Sudan” was undertaken with the view to finding why and how the people of Southern Sudan came to identify themselves as a nation, irrespective of their religious and ethnic differences. The study adopted a thematic approach to the study by basing the analysis on literary texts. The ideological theory of nationalism was adopted in order to provide a systematic explanation for nationalism in Africa. The theory argues that nationalism in Africa is an ideological construction of disgruntled elites who mobilize the masses to their cause. After winning the sympathy of the masses, the elites and intelligentsia will start by negotiating with the dominant political group. It was found that the right to self-determination provided the platform for the attainment of statehood by the South Sudan but has not provided a permanent solution to the crisis of nationhood in South Sudan. Therefore, it was recommended that African states and South Sudan in particular, should embrace democratic principles in governance. The states should incorporate all the various segments and strata of the populace into governance. The rule of law and justice should be made to be the guiding star of governance. Finally it was recommended that a level playing ground should be provided for all the people in various spheres of human endeavours.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
A multiplicity of armed non-state groups is heavily present in Africa. These armed non-state groups range from armed bands, vigilantes, cultists groups, private security outfits, criminal bonds, community, ethnic, religious or regional armies, to militias and rebel groups. These groups have played critical role in violent conflicts that severely undermined human security and the state capacity to guarantee it. The activities of these armed non-state groups have been felt in the Central African Republic, Chad, Egypt, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Nigeria, Somalia, and Sudan among others. (Augustine and Wayfula, 2010).The activities of these groups have adversely affected stability development and security of Africa. Although these groups existed in Africa in the pre-colonial, colonial and the immediate period that followed independence, there has been a resurgence since the 1990s, with groups being formed for dissent, resistance, civil defence and struggle for self-determination, political reforms and resources control in Sudan, DRC and Somalia with implication for human insecurity, massive internal displacement, disruption of livelihoods, violations of human rights, heightened criminality, loss of lives and humanitarian crisis (Ibid, 2010).
The activities of such armed non-state groups in Sudan are so devastating that the UN described it as the worst humanitarian and human rights catastrophe in the world (Powell, 2005:31). The activities of these armed non-state groups have resulted in the death of about two million people (the Sunday Trust, January 30, 2011, p.18) and some two million people were displaces (Powell, 2005:13).
The conflict in the Sudan was driven and shaped by issues of national identity, ethnicity, language and religion, Sudan is diverse. The nationalist movements that take over power from colonial powers at independence formulated exclusive national policies based on race and religion. Ethnicity and economic marginalization were among the chief causes of rebellions against political regimes in Khartoum. In 1958, the government of General Ibrahim Abbound imposed policies of Arabisation and Islamization by repressive means such as forced Islamization of chiefs, changing weekends from Sunday to Friday and forcing parents to send children to Koranic schools in order to enforce cultural domination of Southern Sudan. Similar policies were pursued by successive governments after Abbounds regime was brought down through popular protest in 1964. (Jok, 2007:55-60). These policies were only terminated only after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2005.
Economic and social exclusion played a critical role in the conflict in Sudan. Colonial government did not undertake policies for balanced economic growth in Sudan. It undertook export-oriented development programmes such as the production of cotton and gum Arabic. Agricultural schemes and transport infrastructure were planned and developed according to British demand for these products. As a result, railway lines and agro-industry were developed in Central Sudan to the neglect of outlying regions of Southern and Western Sudan. Consequently, postcolonial administrations inherited gezira scheme and Sudan Railways in addition to a few light industries around Khartoum (Wassara, 2010:259).
Post independent governments in Sudan found it natural and normal to concentrate development programmes in Central Sudan. New dams were built at Rusaris and New Hanfa to boost irrigation projects in Khashmel Girba and Managil; Sugar Factories were constructed at Gunneid Hajr el Asalaya and Kenana; and Cement factories were constructed at Rabak and Arbara. These plans made for concentration of development activities in the centre of the country while Southern Sudan, the Nuba Mountains, Southern Blue Mile, Eastern Sudan and Darfur were excluded from economic development. This situation worsened feelings of marginalization (Wassara, 2010:260). These policies were only terminated after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
Nationhood is achieved through the processes of nation building. Through these processes, a sense of community is developed among the people within the jurisdiction of a political system and provides for sense of identification, a common object of their allegiance, an emotional bond and social solidarity that cut across religion, race, caste, language, region, culture or occupation. These processes integrate the diverse sectors and strata of the society and produce the consensus and cooperation that conduce to domestic peace and political effectiveness (Garba, 2003:495).
In the Sudan these projects of nation building and state building failed to the point that the Southern part seceded to form an independent state. This study is undertaken with the view to assessing whether the right to self-determination has been able to resolve the national question in the South Sudan.
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The research problem is examined with the following questions.
1) What was the character of the national question in Sudan before the expression of the right to self-determination by the South?
2) How did the issues surrounding the national question lead to the expression of the right to self-determination in Sudan?
3) How effective has the expression of the right to self-determination been in resolving the national question?
4) Is expression of the right to self-determination an appropriate or desirable instrument for resolving the national question or the crises of nationhood in Africa?
1.4 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The purpose of the study is to achieve the following:
i) To unravel the character of the national question in Sudan before the expression of the right to self-determination by the South.
ii) To examine how the issues surrounding the national question led to the expression of the right to self-determination by the South.
iii) To assess the efficiency of the right to self-determination in resolving the national question.
iv) To find out if the right to self-determination is an appropriate or desirable instrument for resolving the national question in Africa.
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