ASUU/ NULGE Strikes And Imperative Of National Conference

ASUU/ NULGE Strikes And Imperative Of National Conference

Polycarp Onwubiko, a public affairs analyst is of the view that the strike embarked upon by ASUU and NULGE are indicative of the fact that Nigerians can no longer tolerate the present federal structure…

Realistic minded Nigerians are not astonished by the ASUU strike because of the ever degenerating standard of educational infrastructures and facilities in the universities. The persistence failure of the federal government to honour the agreement it had entered into with the pressure group in 1999, led to the previous warning strikes and the on going hard line posturing. The stunning fact is that the federal government can not fund tertiary education due to over centralization inherent in pseudo federalism; in other words, strikes in tertiary institutions will be an ending feature in the patently accursed country steeped in unrealistic federalism (unitary-federal contraption).

The ASUU strike is similar to the earlier strike by the Nigeria Union of Local Government employees (NULGE) on July 29, 2013, for a three day warning strikes to compel the Senate to align itself with the House of Representatives which recommended financial autonomy for the local government councils. The Senate took cognizance of the realistic principles in federalism the world over where there is two-tier system of government instead of three-tier system in the pseudo federalism in vogue in Nigeria in arriving at the resolution not to accord financial autonomy to the third tier of government.

For the sake of analysis in exposing the flaw in financial autonomy of the local government council advocacy with regard to the grotesque “unitary-federal” contraption imposed by the military oligarchy, the assumption is that the Senate is perceived as a “progressive school of thought” while the House of Representatives becomes a “retrogressive school of thought.” It is pertinent to highlight some reasons of both schools of thought which predisposed their respective positions in recommending and not recommending financial autonomy for the local government.

The Senate is of the view that a preponderant provisions in the constitution made it clear that the creation, location, structure and monitoring of the affairs of the local government councils is within the imprimatur of the state governments, while the national assembly comes in with respect to the confirmation or otherwise of the newly created councils.

To this end therefore, it is improper to prevent state government from exercising financial control over the local government. The upper house further contends that the flagrant abuse of the monthly statutory allocations of the councils by state governments could be curtailed by enacting creative legislations by the state legislature.

The lower House believes that it is a well nigh impossibility to check the flagrant financial misappropriation of the councils fund by state governments. It contended that since the third tier of government is nearest to the grass roots, the right to manage its funds is critical so as to impact the lives of the rural dwellers and semi-urban towns.

Critical stakeholders in the local government administration namely: staff of the local government and primary school teachers expressed divergent views on the financial autonomy of the council.

The staff would want the hands of state government off the finances of the councils so that they would be having quicker access to their emoluments, perks, perquisites and sundry allowances without clearance from the governor through the Ministry of local government. They decry a situation whereby the governor has to approve or disapprove all manner of allowances after persistent memos and frustrating delay.

Teachers had recalled the lamentable state of affairs in the 1970-1980s during the financial autonomy of the councils whereby the elected local government operatives brazenly made ducks and drakes with the statutory allocations and internally generated revenues which resulted to unpaid monthly salaries, allowances, pension and gratuity.

The leadership of the NUT had reacted furiously when the autonomy brouhaha was rigorously canvassed and it has not changed its position. In their realistic observations on the unpredictability of actions and mercurial temperament of elected public functionaries, they believe that they are yet to see any prospect of civilized orientation which will guarantee their welfare if financial autonomy is enshrined in the envisaged and naively termed “incremental federalism” constitution by Hon. Emeka Ihedioha, the deputy speaker house of representatives and chairman of the constitution review committee.

The strikes actions by the ASUU and NULGE point to the fact that Nigerians can no longer tolerate a different definition of federalism contrary to the universal concept being practiced all over the world. It is lamentable that Nigerians have not resolved to recognize the imperative of having a national conference to restructure the country and implement all the principles of federal system of government to berth realistic growth and development through healthy competition of the federating units (true federalism) without the constraints of over centralization of policies in almost all the sectors of the government.

The past and present political leadership brazenly played the ostrich leaving the silly impression that they do not know the retardation the country has experienced due to gross violation of the enduring principles of federalism or that it is impossible to practice true federalism in Nigeria. The leaderships of ASUU, NULGE and NLC also pretend that they do not know the principles of federal system of government hence their strident agitation to have their agitations implemented.

It is part of the orchestrated vicious propaganda of the northern Moslems who apparently control the behemoth PDP and their surrogates when Senator Ndoma Egba contended that national conference is not in the 1999 constitution. How naïve is his stand when he knows that the 1999 constitution was imposed by the military with the agenda of the northern Moslems to sustain the quasi federal practice which enables them to control the country directly and indirectly due to over centralization of all the sectors of government.

The fact remains that what Nigeria needs is a fresh constitution (not the panel beating of the 1999 contraption) through a national conference of all the ethnic nationalities whereby the country will be restructured into two-tier system: federal and state governments with two levels of statutory revenue allocations and exploitation of natural resources by the respective state governments (fiscal federalism). The creation and funding of local government should be the exclusive responsibility of state governments.

The realistic federal system (true federalism) will enable ethnic groups to make policies on all the sectors while the federal government will concentrate only on defence, external affairs and immigration. The realistic system will enable the states to manage education and local government according to their social perception.

It is laughable when people advance all sorts of unrealistic suggestions to the education and security problems without mentioning true federalism which is the ultimate roadmap to all the social and economic challenges in the country. For instance, the persistence insecurity can never be solved by the centralized security infrastructure except state police. Southerners will never advance in education unless JAMB is abolished and conduct of entrance examination restored to the respective institution of high leaning.

It is hoped that the Southern Nigeria Political Forum (SNPF) which has served notice to President Goodluck Jonathan to put up a legislative framework for a national conference before January 2014, will maintain its rightful resolution .


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